Iran: struggle or compromise

Sholeh Irani

'Ashura', mourning days for Shia Muslims, has deep historical roots in Iranian history. One mourns by holding processions, passion-plays, and other such ceremonies from pre-Islamic Iran. According to Shia historians, Prophet Muhammad's grandson Hussein (same forename as opposition leader Mousavi) and his family were massacred, while struggling for justice, during Ashura in 680 AD.

The ruler, the then caliph, according to Shias, did not follow Allah's word and was oppressing the poor. In 1978, the Ashura days proved decisive in overthrowing Shah. To gather in thousands on the pretext of Ashura ceremonies, was a chance for the opposition in 1978-79. The Shah's police respected the holy Ashura and did not brutalise the protests. This does not, however, holds true for Islamic regime that has been using Ashura to mobilise people.

BLOODY ASHURA

During the last days of December 2009, the people of Iran shed their fears for the time being, took to the streets and demonstrated with the slogan:''Down with supreme leader''. Riot police and militias attacked them. Protesters including young and old, workers and students, who had gathered spontaneously, fought back the attackers. They were casting stones at police, setting the garbage on fire, and made police run.

There was no international media presence while internet speed was suddenly sulky. The video clips which anyway reached You Tube, surprised all and sundry. Such scenes where people took up fights without fear, have not been seen on Iranian streets since 1979.

The regime hit back. At least 15 people were shot dead, among them, Mousavi's nephew. Regime's answer was to go for a mass arrest of protesters, women and human rights activists, students and political activists, all over the country.

Since December 27, many celebrated and and unidentified people have been arrested from their homes. Gatherings of more than five people have been banned. Streets have been taken over by armed soldiers and military trucks. Regime's radio and tv started a hectic propaganda against the resistance, declaring the protesters foreign agents. The speaker of the parliament, Larijani, demanded to hang the ''hooligans and trouble-makers''. On January 4, a number of MPs undersigned a letter demanding imposition of emergency so that all those found guilty of ''war against Allah'', could be hanged within five days of the verdict. As a reply, students at many big universities went on strike. They boycotted the classes and refused to take exams. The news of workers strike have also been coming out and there is a discussion going on about general strike.

MOUSAVI'S COMPROMISE FORMULA

Daring street-fights for many days during last Ashura spread a feeling of nostalgia about victory over Shah's army. The opposition hailed peoples' rediscovered confidence. Many a debaters in Iranian media announced: ''time of disempowerment is over''.

Simultaneously, started a debate about an increased violence. The radicals among both the Greens and left, dismissed these worries saying the masses were not violent. To defend against violence is not violence, they argued. As a proof they pointed out a video clip where police were encircled by protesters while some of the protesters were crying:''don't beat the, we are not like them....''

The reformists and liberal left, on the contrary, claim that the situation is very serious. They think, in order to avoid further state repression and imposition of ''revolutionary'' emergency, it is time to apply brakes. Sahabi, a famous liberal known for fighting back the regime for many years, wrote an open letter to exiled Iranians and asked them not to urge Iranians to resort to violent means during their protests. He warned both extreme left and extreme right against hiking the tension between non-religious and religious forces. He talked about a ''pluralistic, far-reaching, Green movement.''

Former presidential candidate, Mir Hussein Mousavi, described both by Western media and regime, as Greens' leader, has presented a five-point formula. He began by announcing: ''I am not afraid of death for peoples' sake.''

He continues and announces that he is not a leader but a supporter of the masses. He pointed out that it was not him urging people to take to streets during Ashura but it was a spontaneous peoples' initiative. At the same time, in his statement he expressed strong concern for country's Islamic order and security. He suggested five measures which ''do not have to be implemented immediately or simultaneously.''

He demanded, 1. State should be answerable to people and other institutions. 2. Elections laws be changed and be democratized so that no political flank is left out. 3. Political prisoners be freed. 4. Freedom of expression for all media. 5. Peoples right to organize in parties and groups as well as to hold gatherings be respected and one should have the right to organise according to country's laws.

FOR AND AGAINST MOUSAVI'S FORMULA

His proposal is being hotly debated by regime as well as opposition. Few in the regime, like Rezai for instance, appreciated the proposal and called it a possible compromise formula.

The opposition is divided into two camps over the proposal. Radical left as well as many in the Green movement, religious as well as secular, deem this proposal as an attempt to save the regime from peoples' rage. ''A serious retreat, wrong tactic, cowardly, sell out,'' are some of the comments this proposal drew from exile Iranian groups. Many in the opposition described it, in their writings, as an attempt to impede the revolution when masses have started acting spontaneously and raising their voice. Reformists and liberal left, in general, welcomed this proposal. Few suggested some changes in the proposals. Others called it the only solution to defend country's sovereignty as well as welfare and the only way to avoid violence and chaos. Part of liberal left says the whole process has unfolded so fast that and regime is fearing for life hence the only result would be a bloodbath. They think Mousavi's initiative will lead to an ''unhurried change''.

The counter-argument is: a lull in protests would weaken the people and strengthen the repression. Among the radical organized left the logic is:'' More the people raise their voices, more they become strong. And it will weaken the regime. More and more people take to streets, less and less support for the regime.''

Many a left-wing debaters say, '' Mousavi's proposal shows that he wants to reform not to change the system.'' Many among Greens as well as left think that people will not listen to Mousavi any more. Student movement continues the struggle while workers' participation is on the rise.

The debate on the Mousavi proposal is going on but the regime and Ahmedinejad has officially rejected the proposal. The reformists report that the split in the regime has been widened anyway in the wake of the proposal. ''Regime thinks that a compromise is the only way out of crisis'', Mousavi- friendly commentators have been writing.

Meantime, regime goes on arresting more and more activists and those arrested are handed down longer jail term than in the past. On January 6, relatives of 500 arrested activists gathered outside Evin prison. Few of them said when they told their children to escape in case of police attack, the children replied:' we are not afraid of police any more.'' The Reporters Without Borders has expressed concern on the arrest of 12 journalists and bloggers. The Iranian opposition is, however, is united in its belief that a series of executions will be witnessed in Iran in coming days. On January 6, a young Kurd activist, Fasih Yasimini, was hanged. There are 17 more in the death cell. (ends)

This piece first appeared in Stockholm-based weekly Internationalen (January 11). Translated by Farooq Sulehria

Farooq Sulehria

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